Introduction
The ecological disasters that struck Aceh, North Sumatra and West Sumatra in November 2025 were the result of human greed, manifested both through the hands of established corporations and through ill-conceived government development projects.
Tropical Cyclone Senyar merely served as a natural trigger that exposed and accelerated this latent destruction.
The Mining Advocacy Network (Jaringan Advokasi Tambang – JATAM) has stated that the total number of mining business permits across the island of Sumatra has nearly reached 2,000, with concession areas covering approximately 2.5 million hectares of land. Their findings further highlight that 546 of these nearly 2,000 permits are located in areas that are particularly prone to natural disasters.
Drawing upon deeper personal experience and knowledge of the history of agrarian disputes in the bona pasogit (ancestral homeland), I limit the following reflections to the political-economic dynamics that have culminated in the current ecological disaster in North Sumatra.
Mapping the Extractive Frontier
I was born in Sidikalang, the capital of Dairi Regency, a region with long and significant historical value for the people of Batak Toba. In the past, Dairi served as a place of exile for those banished from Bakkara, the epicentre of the Toba Kingdom, and later as the final guerrilla stronghold of Sisingamangaraja XII, the last king of the Toba Kingdom, before he was killed by the Marsose troops.
Dairi Regency is the site of an ongoing dispute concerning the environmental impacts of extractive mining between local residents and PT Dairi Prima Mineral, which is backed by a business consortium owned by the Chinese government.
The Dairi region also contains a concession held by a major pulp-processing company, PT Toba Pulp Lestari (TPL). This company occupies forest areas spanning at least 12 administrative regions, including the regencies of Humbang Hasundutan, Simalungun, Toba, Pakpak Bharat, North Tapanuli, Central Tapanuli, South Tapanuli, Samosir, North Padang Lawas, Asahan and the city of Padangsidempuan.
TPL has divided its overall concession into six sectors: Aek Nauli, Aek Raja, Tele, Habinsaran, Sidempuan/South Tapanuli and Sarulla. However, under the fourth revision of its Industrial Plantation Forest Licence issued by the Ministry of Forestry in 2011, its permit in the Sarulla sector was revoked. Legally speaking, TPL is therefore only permitted to operate in the five remaining sectors since then.
TPL’s concession in the sectors of Sidempuan/South Tapanuli directly borders the Batang Toru forest, a vital and biodiverse ecosystem renowned as the sole habitat of the critically endangered Tapanuli orangutan, the world’s rarest great ape.
Batang Toru is also the site of a massive hydropower development project: a “run-of-river” dam planned for electricity generation by PT North Sumatra Hydro Energy (NSHE), a special purpose consortium established for the project. Dharma Hydro Nusantara holds a 52.82% stake in NSHE, while Pembangkitan Jawa Bali Investasi and Fareast Green Energy hold 25% and 22.18%, respectively.
The power plant is intended to supply up to 15% of North Sumatra’s peak electricity demand with an installed capacity of 510 MW, but a report has suggested that the Batang Toru dam project is not viable on commercial, economic or social grounds. The current plans are costly and carry an unacceptable environmental impact.
Gold mining activities are also present in Batang Toru through the Martabe Gold Mine, one of the world’s largest gold mines run by PT Agincourt Resources, which is owned by Jardine Matheson, a United Kingdom-based conglomerate.
Last year, WALHI – together with Friends of the Earth (the United Kingdom’s largest grassroots environmental organisation) – visited the offices of Jardine Cycle & Carriage Limited in London to demand accountability and to call for the cancellation of the planned expansion of the Martabe Gold Mine.
What factors have made the post-disaster impacts in Sumatra, particularly in North Sumatra, so extraordinarily destructive? And what roles have TPL and PT Agincourt Resources played in this process of devastation?
Agrarian and Cultural Conflict
One of the most devastating consequences of the Java War (Java Oorlog, 1825-1830) was the near-bankruptcy of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. In an effort to rescue its domestic economy, the Netherlands East Indies formally adopted the cultuurstelsel, known in Indonesia today as the “forced cultivation system”, under which peasants across Java and certain areas of the outer islands were compelled to deliver commodities such as coffee, sugar and indigo to state-owned warehouses.
After the cultuurstelsel attracted widespread criticism, the colonial government altered its economic approach. The primary objective became facilitating the expansion of private European plantations and other business interests by making vast tracts of land available to them through long-term leases of up to 75 years.
To achieve this, any land not burdened by specifically designated European or indigenous rights was automatically declared state property under the Agrarian Law (Agrarische Wet) of 1870 through its embedded principle of domein verklaring (free state domain). This declaration effectively disregarded the pre-existing communal rights (hak ulayat) of indigenous communities over uncultivated customary lands.
The forest maps codified under the Agrarian Law of 1870 continued to serve as a reference for the Indonesian government following the proclamation of independence in 1945. A brief exception emerged with the enactment of the 1960 Basic Agrarian Law, which ostensibly affirmed its foundations in indigenous rights.
In practice, however, the law introduced a system of individual land rights that further weakened communal tenure and strengthened state control. This trajectory was consolidated by the 1967 Basic Forestry Law, which declared that designated forestry zones would be under direct government authority as state forests.
The consequences are easily predicted. Horizontal conflicts proliferated throughout the country, particularly between local residents (especially indigenous communities) and state authorities or private entities claiming land-use and exploitation rights granted by the state.
Throughout the New Order era, these disputes remained suppressed and unresolved. However, with the advent of the Reformasi period, the voices of
Guardians of the Land
Each region in Indonesia, in fact, possesses forms of local wisdom oriented towards environmental stewardship that must be respected by outsiders who enter its territory.
One example is the lubuk larangan (designated pools) tradition practised in Riau to preserve aquatic ecosystems such as rivers and lakes. This tradition prohibits fishing or catching fish in lubuk larangan in order to safeguard the purity of water flows. The prohibition applies for a specific period, usually ranging from several months to a year, to allow fish populations sufficient time to reproduce while restoring ecological balance.
The supervision of lubuk larangan is carried out by local customary leaders. Anyone who violates the rules may be subject to customary sanctions, including monetary fines, confiscation of the catch or temporary social exclusion from the community. At a predetermined time, such as during the fish harvest season, lubuk larangan is ceremonially opened. All community members are then allowed to fish together, and this moment often becomes a deeply memorable expression of social solidarity.
In the context of North Sumatra, all land in the Tapanuli region has been divided into clan-owned territories for hundreds of years. Each clan possesses land corresponding to its ancestral village, and this land is passed down through generations.
As the people are predominantly agrarian, they naturally have traditions comparable to lubuk larangan. One such tradition is known as Bona Taon, a series of New Year celebrations that also mark the beginning of the planting season.
The Bona Taon tradition is rooted in the ancestral beliefs of those who seek blessings from Mulajadi Nabolon (God Almighty) so that their harvests may be abundant. The term “Bona Taon” itself literally means “the beginning of the year”, underscoring the strategic importance of this tradition within the agrarian calendar of the Batak community.
The Bona Taon ceremony is usually led by customary elders. It begins with a ritual known as manguras, or spiritual purification, during which the community prays together for protection and blessings, followed by the slaughter of a chicken or pig as a symbolic offering to God.
After the ritual, the community gathers for a communal feast. The main dishes served typically include traditional Batak foods such as naniura or ikan arsik. Traditional music, such as gondang, accompanies the atmosphere of gratitude and hope throughout the feast.
Bona Taon is usually concluded with a large family discussion (margabung), which strengthens kinship ties while addressing customary matters or discussing future village plans. Once the entire sequence of traditions has been completed, the community prepares to plant rice, the primary staple crop.
Furthermore, the people uphold a sacred proverb: “sidapot solup do na ro.” This proverb means that any outsider wishing to enter the bona pasogit must do so as a respectful guest, adhering to the prevailing norms and customs of the local community.
Corporate Greed
TPL (established as Inti Indorayon Utama in 1984 until its closure by former president Habibie on 19 March 1999 and later re-established under its current name on 29 January 2003), PT Agincourt Resources, and PT Dairi Prima Mineral are examples of external entities that have brought business interests into the domain of bona pasogit.
By right, they ought to respect the principle of sidapot solup do na ro (similar to the concept of free, prior and informed consent – FPIC) that applies to each parcel of land they seek to exploit.
In reality, in relation to ecological disasters, TPL and PT Agincourt Resources have failed to do so, arguing that they already hold Industrial Plantation Forest Concessions (Hak Pengusahaan Hutan Tanaman Industri – HPHTI) from the Ministry of Forestry and Mining Business Permits (Izin Usaha Pertambangan/IUP) from the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources. As a result, conflict has been unavoidable.
The flash floods and landslides that occurred in late November were not the first of their kind. Exactly two years earlier, a similar disaster had struck the village of Simangulampe in Baktiraja Subdistrict, Humbang Hasundutan Regency. Baktiraja is the official administrative name for Bakkara, which is also the ancestral homeland of my clan.
Deforestation in the upper hills of Simangulampe (specifically in Habeahan Village, Lintong Ni Huta Subdistrict) is strongly suspected to have triggered the disaster, which claimed many lives, including those of my dongan tubu (fellow clan members) who reside there. The discovery of extensive eucalyptus plantations, TPL’s primary commercial commodity, in the hills of Habeahan Village has inevitably intensified local residents’ resentment towards the corporation’s activities.
And just like rubbing salt into an open wound, a few years ago, an unsavoury report emerged from Europe concerning Sukanto Tanoto, the founder and principal decision-maker at TPL, who purchased a historic building in Munich, Germany, for almost €350m through a Luxembourg-registered company. That amount is equivalent to almost Rp7t in today’s rupiah, calling into question the extent of his capitalist operations and indicating potential tax evasion measures.
Beyond Temporary Solutions
Article 33 of the Indonesian Constitution indeed stipulates that the earth, water and natural resources contained within the national territory are to be controlled, rather than owned, by the state. In practice, however, the government has frequently treated pre-existing communal rights as falling entirely within state control.
A direct consequence of such treatment has been the loss of forests in Aceh, North Sumatra and West Sumatra, averaging 36,305 hectares per year over the period 1990-2024. In aggregate, the loss of 1.2 million hectares of forest over 34 years is equivalent to twice the size of the island of Bali.
The highest rates of forest area reduction were recorded in North Sumatra (500,404 hectares), Aceh (379,309 hectares) and then West Sumatra (354,651 hectares). The conversion of forest land into oil palm plantations was also greatest in North Sumatra (354,865 hectares, representing 70% of the total forest loss), followed by West Sumatra (176,330 hectares) and Aceh (159,581 hectares).
In order to dismantle this persistent misconception, the state must promptly recognise the existence of indigenous peoples throughout Indonesia, together with all customary land rights in accordance with their respective traditions. The most effective way to achieve this is through the immediate enactment of the Indigenous Peoples Bill, which has remained stalled for nearly two decades.
With comprehensive and official recognition from the state, indigenous communities would possess strong bargaining power to compel problematic corporations to sit down and negotiate. Should no mutually beneficial agreement be reached, indigeno
Rather than offering temporary solutions that are politically ambiguous, the central government is in fact fully capable of realising agrarian social justice for its people. However, the accumulation of conflicts of interest at the elite level has become so complex that natural phenomena culminating in the recent ecological disasters are merely the tip of the iceberg, one that continues to hold government policy hostage.
From this ecological disaster, we can also observe the profound lack of harmony between the central and regional/subnational governments in the implementation of various tactical policies.
