Introduction

The 2017 Soufan Center report states that at least 1,000 fighters from Southeast Asia (some references estimate it closer to 1,500) have joined the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (ISIS) . However, the exact number of Filipino Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs) and their families is uncertain. The only validated information is that of Ellen Jen Barriga and her husband, Mohammad Reza Kiram, who died in Syria as an Islamic State (IS) fighter. With their children, they left the Philippines to join IS in 2015. This highlights how violent extremists have turned to their spouses and extended families as recruits. Thus, policymakers must consider their family dynamics and individual radicalization experiences if their return to the Philippines are accepted.    

The following sections will discuss individual radicalization from several perspectives via a case study of a Filipino family: the father, mother and children. Descriptions of these are from the perspective of the sociocultural, religious and psychological context of being a Filipino Muslim FTF.

The Father and the Husband– Muhammed Reza Lahaman Kiram, a.k.a. “Abdul Rahman Al-Filipini”

Kiram’s Pathway to Extremism: A Devout Filipino Muslim Tausug Millennial

Kiram’s ethnic affiliation is “Tausug,” known as “people of the current” and “fierce people,” which is the prominent tribe in Mindanao scattered in Zamboanga, Basilan, Tawi-Tawi, and Sulu. Though not the direct descendants, his family belongs to the sultanate of Sulu, who are claimants of Sabah. He was raised in Zamboanga City and had a typical upbringing from childhood to young adulthood. He was a millennial who lived comfortably with his businessman father while his mother was a nurse in Saudi Arabia before he became part of IS. Like any millennial, he spent much of his time online, eventually leading to his online IS radicalization. He started by questioning people around him about everything he read, including the unlawful persecution of Palestinians, Syrians, and Muslim Filipinos which made him furious. His primary motivation was to seek justice for all the abuse his fellow Muslims suffered at the hands of the non-Muslims. Highly fueled by IS propaganda, he firmly believed that Islam was under attack and that it was his duty, as a Muslim man, to protect it.

Kiram was an idealistic young man who studied Islamic Jurisprudence in a madrasah (Muslim school). He was also a talented, influential young Muslim who was particularly passionate during religious discussions. Notably, he was a polyglot fluent in Malay, Turkish, Arabic, English, Filipino and Tausug. With such a profile, he became a prized target for recruitment by IS. Initially, Kiram was secretive about his involvement with IS while still in the Philippines. The first sign of Kiram’s radicalization that worried his family was when he started to attend a hardline mosque associated with Tablighi Jamaat, a missionary movement from South Asia suspected of nurturing militants. Despite vehemently denying it, his family’s greatest fear of him pledging allegiance to IS became a reality.

Kiram’s Full Radicalization as a Politico-Religious Extremist

Kiram eventually became a senior IS member who recruited and instructed others, Filipino and FTFs. Specifically, Kiram was suspected of conducting a 2012 bus bombing in Zamboanga City and IS-linked Ansar Khalifa group recruits in 2014. Beyond recruitment and instructing, he was the first and only verified Filipino citizen who beheaded a Caucasian in an ISIS video released in June 2016. In the video, he called for IS supporters who cannot travel for “Jihad” (Muslim Holy war against non-Muslims) to the Syrian Arab Republic to travel to the Philippines instead. He told them to “unite and join under the command of the Emir of the soldiers of the caliphate in the Philippines, Abdallah al-Filipino [a reference to Isnilon Hapilon]. Kiram also stated, “my brothers, do not hesitate to blow up their towns. Kill the disbelievers wherever you find them and do not have mercy on them”.

Collectively, these demonstrated how deep Kiram was into IS propaganda. In other words, Kiram firmly believed in the delusion that he was a mujahideen (Muslim Holy Warrior) committing terror in the name of God through a “Martyrdom Operation,”. They used the word “jihad” (Muslim Holy War) in all IS narratives to attract and appeal to Muslims worldwide to join them in their so-called war against non-Muslims.

As of August 23, 2018, pursuant to paragraphs 2 and 4 of resolution 2368 (2017), Kiram was found guilty of his association with IS or Al-Qaeda for “participating in the financing, planning, facilitating, preparing, or perpetrating of acts or activities by, in conjunction with, under the name of, on behalf of, or in support of,” “recruiting for” and “other acts or activities indicating an association with” Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL), listed as Al-Qaeda in Iraq (QDe.115) as per United Nations Security Council. Simultaneously, the US declared Kiram a “Specially Designated Global Terrorist” (SDGT).

Kiram’s Impact as a Radical Husband & Father

The prevailing family dynamics in Filipino Muslim families are patriarchal, meaning the father holds the most authority in the household. As such, Kiram played a large part in shaping his wife’s and his children’s personalities, behaviors, and beliefs toward violent extremism. With such a pivotal role, his wife, Jen Barriga, voluntarily swore allegiance to ISIS and flew to Syria with him to conduct a martyrdom operation. Additionally, their children, who were minors then, became exposed to violent extremism, particularly during their time in Syria. Such exposure during their formative years would likely have lasting impacts on their lives.

As with Kiram’s case, the Philippine government must engage not only male violent extremists but also their families to prevent and counter violent extremism. Only through this can the Philippine government potentially break the chain of family radicalization.

Narrative Warfare: “One Man’s Terrorist is Another Person’s Freedom Fighter.”

It is interesting to note that Kiram is an excellent example of the cliché, “one man’s terrorist is another person’s freedom fighter.” Even though Kiram was officially labeled by the US as a Special Designated Terrorist, as the head of the family, he was able to condition the minds of his wife and children successfully. Through Classical Conditioning, he repeatedly told his family members that death from conducting an IS operation was not only “honorable” but the best type of death for a Muslim. Consequently, in the eyes of his wife and children, he died as a “Mujahideen,” which was his goal from the start. Besides his family, Kiram’s death as an IS fighter was also celebrated by other members, elevating his family’s status. Such elevation in status became sources of motivations for violent extremism: 1) Pride due to elevated status, 2) Vengeance sought by his wife and children, and 3) Financial rewards awarded by IS for Kiram’s death. These bombardments of positive reinforcements are a form of terrorist Operant Conditioning that aims to reiterate the violent extremist narrative to motivate the remaining family members to follow in Kiram’s footsteps. This continuous supply of potential suicide attackers was vital in sustaining IS martyrdom operations as they were their deadliest weapon.

The Wife and the Mother – Jen Ellen Barriga

Barriga’s Pathway to Extremism: Her Marriage to a Violent Extremist

In the case of Barriga, she came from a conservative Christian family named after the archangel who defends the Christian faith against demonic forces. Her radicalization began when she grew close to Kiram. Infatuated with Kiram, she converted to Islam and eventually married him. Following the hadith of Prophet Muhammad (SAW),that “obeying the husband is the key to paradise” Barriga became submissive to Kiram. As with other cases, such compliance could lead the wives of violent extremists to follow them in joining violent extremist groups.

Barriga’s Vulnerability as a Convert

Religious conversion by itself should not raise red flags, but conversion with other underlying factors indicates a greater risk for radicalization. These underlying factors served as the drivers of radicalization, in which conversion gives individuals a reason to manifest their radical tendencies. As a convert, there were four reasons why Barriga was particularly vulnerable to IS radicalization:

1) She had no one else to consult and no independent guide to her new faith except her husband.

2) Despite her voluntarily swearing allegiance to IS, this may have stemmed from her husband.

3) As a convert and wife to a violent extremist, she may have overcompensated to be seen as a “good Muslim” and a “good wife.” This included her blind compliance with her husband.

4) As a Muslim convert, she experienced marginalization from her family and friends as soon as she started wearing the hijab.

Considering all of these, it is understandable why Barriga involved herself heavily in IS to establish a new social status with her adoptive community. Equally important to note is that her experiences are similar to many female Muslim converts who ended up in IS.

Barriga’s Initial Participation in Violent Extremism

According to the Philippine National Police, Barriga, who had an accounting degree, was allegedly channeling IS funds to local militants and aiding in a failed bombing attempt in the southern Philippine city of Davao. Barriga’s Christian name helped her set up bank accounts and avoid suspicion. She was also recruiting other Balik Islam (converts), who was just as vulnerable to radicalization as her.

Radical Journey as a Terrorist Couple:

In 2012, Kiram and Barriga were arrested in connection with a foiled bombing plot. Together with an Indonesian man, they allegedly targeted a night market in Davao, Philippines. The Indonesian was shot and killed by the police, but due to insufficient evidence, Kiram and Barriga were released. Three years later, the couple was recruited by IS.

Possible Implications of the Death of her IS husband.

It is important to remember that Barriga is a widow of a “Mujahideen.” Being radicalized into violent extremism, she believes that her terrorist husband is now in paradise, which might encourage her to do the same. Additionally, by following in her husband’s footsteps, she could increase her reputation and potentially receive other incentives from IS. A recent example is when militants’ widows conducted twin suicide bombings in Jolo town on August 24, 2020, which killed at least 15 people, including military soldiers, and wounded more than 70 others. One of the suicide bombers named Nanah, a resident of Basilan, was the wife of the first confirmed Filipino suicide bomber, Norman Lasuca. She had also previously carried out an attack against the 1st Brigade Combat Team in Sulu in June 2019, leaving seven people dead and 12 others wounded. While the other bomber, Inda Nay, was the widow of militant Abu Talha, who was killed following an encounter with the First Scout Ranger Battalion in November 2019. Thus, the possibility that Barriga might do the same remains a legitimate threat to national security if she was allowed to return to the Philippines.

The Vulnerability of Filipino Muslim Children to Terrorist Parents

Radicalization in children often occurs within families involved in terrorism. Here, the role of mothers in such families is crucial as they are responsible for educating their children. Following the hadith of Prophet Muhammad (SAW),“paradise lies under the mother’s feet“ mothers are very respected and thus enable them to influence their children significantly. Therefore, mothers may expose children to undemocratic and discriminatory beliefs, leading them to violent extremism. This role is apparent in violent extremists such as the Maute brothers, who were responsible for the Marawi Siege in 2017. The matriarch, Farhana, maintained a private militia that included her seven sons.

Furthermore, being respectful to parents demonstrates gratitude to Allah (SWT). This belief may confound any deradicalization attempts made on children of violent extremist families. Children could fear that any deviation from their parent’s beliefs is disrespectful. They may also view deradicalization attempts as attacks on their families, leading them to be guarded and unreceptive.

Their community’s close social ties (family, kin, friends) further complicates this scenario. An example of this was Indonesian FTF Rezky Rullie, aka Cici, a foiled suicide bomber captured in Jolo on October 10, 2020. Rezky was a daughter of an Indonesian couple responsible for the deadly 2019 Jolo Cathedral bombing. Furthermore, her younger sister, rescued in 2021, was married to an Abu Sayyaf member.  

Conclusion

Without the involvement of wives and children in violent extremism, addressing this issue becomes less complex. This is particularly when male members of such organizations yearn for martyrdom. With the involvement of wives and children, it readies future generations of violent extremists. Therefore, governments, including the Philippines, must not only continue but increase efforts to break the chain of radicalization in families. Additionally, as every family is unique, comprehensive data must be collected, including the sociocultural factors of each family. Understanding them aids in a more accurate assessment of their levels of radicalization and the development of rehabilitation and reintegration programs particular to their needs.

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Negotiated with the Amir to Avoid Taking up Arms

Soon after, in January 2017, I had the opportunity to continue my journey to a transit city which was deemed to be a safe route into Raqqah. I spent around three weeks in this transit city in a modest house used by muhajir (immigrants) for shelter. Here, some will be sent directly into combat under the banner of IS while the rest will be taken to Raqqah. Rather than taking up arms, I negotiated with the amir (leader) of the group via an Egyptian muhajir (immigrant) assisting to translate what I shared from English to Arabic.

I learnt that those who would be taken to Raqqah was because their wives had earlier arrived in Raqqah via a different route. I pleaded for leniency as many of my family and relatives were already residing in Raqqah.

Alhamdulillah, I was allowed to meet my family and relatives in Raqqah; avoiding the mandatory participation in armed conflict by unmarried muhajir (immigrants).

Heading to Raqqah

As the third week at the transit city ended, we started our journey to Raqqah in a medium-sized van to a place that was more deserted. We then moved to a large single cabin pickup akin to a Chevrolet Silverado. Despite its large size, we had to pile on top of each other so as that everyone could board the vehicle. The uncomfortable situation became worse when we had to contend with hours of travel in high winds and low temperature. Occasionally during the trip, we were instructed to disembark the vehicle and to walk for quite a distance. This was a tactic to avoid detection from the enemies and to avoid driving over the many landmines laid in the ground.  Eventually, we boarded cars that were waiting for us at the border of IS territory. At that point, though fatigued and concerned, I continued reciting all the prayers that I have memorized as I was bestowed safety throughout the journey.

The Reality in IS Territory

The closer our car got to IS territory, the more doubts I started to have which I kept to myself. Images of the glitter of the capital at night and the organized city of Raqqah that I have seen in IS propaganda were unproven. Instead, the city was dark, gloomy, and devastated as though the city had been a battlefield for the longest time.

Eventually, our car arrived at the immigration office known as Maktab Hijrah. There, the personal details of muhajir (immigrants) are recorded, however, such processing are just for formalities. This is because we were simply asked our names, age and our country of origin.

As I briefly rested at the office, I saw that there was an employee with an Indonesian name. I immediately requested with staff that were present to meet with this Indonesian employee as I wanted to ask about my family. Having noted my request, we were led to a safehouse to rest. The next day, I was invited to meet with the Indonesian employee at Maktab Hijrah.

Upon meeting, our conversation was brief and straight to the point. I only managed to ask the following questions: 1) Do you know my family? 2) How are they? 3) Where are they residing? That was it. He answered that he knew about my family’s whereabouts and wished to take me to their residence. I was informed that such meetings were prohibited but as I have not seen them for more than a year, I was given two days to catch up with them on the condition that I participated in militant training after those two days.

Soon after accepting this term, I eventually met with my family. This reunion is arguably the most memorable in my life. Overwhelmed with many emotions, I bawled upon seeing them in person. They too were extremely shocked by my unexpected arrival. While catching up, they began asking me numerous questions: how I travelled to Syria, what I did in the five months in Syria, and do I know how to return to Indonesia?

Planning to Go Home Despite Just Arriving in Raqqah

After enduring a challenging journey, I was shocked to learn that my family was trying to find ways to return to Indonesia for the past year or so. They had sought information from civilians in Raqqah, contacting relatives in Indonesia, and seeking assistance from the Indonesia Embassy in Damascus. Their efforts were, however, unsuccessful.

I was unprepared to learn of their intentions to return to Indonesia which reflected their 180 degrees change in worldview that I saw a year and half ago. Why was there a change? The answer was simply because they were convinced that they were completely deceived by IS propaganda. All the sweet promises and talks about “living in heaven on earth” were fictitious. Instead, they saw IS’ cruelty, injustice, brutality that are contrary to Islam. Examples include health facilities being accessible only to those who have joined IS and how non-Arabs such as Southeast Asians were prioritized in hospitals.

Additionally, infringements such as inappropriate dressing and attitude that were not in accordance with IS orders are met with reprimand and even prison sentences. Often my sister would visit IS offices to submit appeal letters citing the Qur’an and Hadiths for IS to change its rules but her letters were unheeded. Notably, my sister and mother have been arrested by the Syar’I police as their dressings were deemed inappropriate even though they were wearing clothes that were issued to them upon their arrival. Fortunately, they were released when my sister berated them for not fulfilling IS promises, instead my sister was demanded to pay SYP 10,000 to buy new clothes that they deemed to be more Syar’i. Such trivial matters should have never been an issue in the first place.

Her letters, though unheeded, did not go unnoticed. My family was once visited by female officers of the Syar’i police to “chat” with my sister. They issued her an ultimatum to not continue arguing and delivering her letters to IS offices. Should she continue, she will be executed. That was the point when my family felt they have been misled and deceived.

After learning reasons for their change, I revealed that I was to participate in militant training after two days of our reunion. Unsurprisingly, my mother and sister immediately forbade my participation. We began thinking of ways to get those who would pick me up for training to release me from such training. I eventually resorted to eating a large onion to raise my body temperature. On the day I was supposed to be picked up for training, my sister informed them that I was sick and that my mother did not permit me to get involved in armed conflict.

Not believing of my sickness, the IS members took me to the hospital. My sister advised me to pretend that I was in pain when the doctor examined me. Thankfully, the doctor rudimentarily assessed me without any medical devices including a stethoscope. I was next given medicine and an injection after replying that I had was experiencing diarrhoea, vomiting and weakness when I was not. In fact, I became seriously sick after being injected with an unspecified drug. This further solidified my account of being sick. This ploy bought me a few weeks of rest. However, I was informed that I will be picked up once I am well. True to their word, one IS member returned. This time, my family instructed me to stay hidden in my room as they tried to persuade the IS member. The IS member eventually became annoyed and felt toyed with. He stated that every man who was old enough is obligated to join the conflict without exceptions. Thankfully, his anger was limited to verbal reprimands without any physical violence.

After his departure, I was instructed by my family to stay home for the time being to avoid being instructed to join the conflict. Weeks turned to months. During this period, my sister and several other female relatives continued to look for information on escaping Raqqah.

Via God’s intervention, help came to us in the form of a civilian in June 2017. The civilian suggested that we should surrender ourselves to the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) which were gradually reaching Raqqah. We heeded his suggestion but it was not easily implemented.

Money, possessions and even our lives were at stake. We had to survive barrages of bullets whizzing past our heads we exited IS territory. We also had to overcome miscommunications between those smuggling us out and the SDF. Eventually, it took three tries before we were successful.

The men in our group were subsequently interrogated for approximately two months in Kobane by both US intelligence and SDF officers. For the women and children, they had to field numerous interview sessions from many international journalists. Following these interviews, the Indonesian government facilitated our return to Indonesia. On the first weekend of August 2017, we were on our way home, grateful for the assistance rendered by the government.

Four years have past since our return. I have been active in activities organized by both government and NGO to advocate peace and tolerance in Indonesia. This is my commitment to make up for the mistakes we have committed.

Closing Remarks

I want to highlight several things that need to be understood from the damaged and chaotic system of IS’ governance which are contrary to Islamic and societal norms. First pertains to the voting process in the general elections as contrary to Islamic law. If IS was to study history properly, they would not have forbidden democracy. During the time of Umar bin Khattab RA, several individuals were gathered to seek the best candidate to replace the caliph Umar RA. Additionally, every house in the city of Medina was asked on their opinion. Eventually, a unanimous decision was made to appoint Uthman bin Affan RA as the next caliph. Such a system is certainly similar to democracies implemented today albeit with a slight modification, namely voting is conducted in specified areas rather than relying on visiting every household.

Second is about the coercion to participate in armed conflicts and the intolerance to other faiths which are often met with brutality. This is against what is stated in Al-Baqarah (2) verse 256 which states that, “There is no compulsion in religion.” This means that each individual is free to decide on their own religious understanding and beliefs.

Third, advising one another of religious obligations should be done gently without violence. This is reflected in Surah Taha (20) verses 43-44 where Allah instructed Prophet Moses (Musa) and Prophet Aaron (Harun) to gently talk with the Pharoah even though the Pharoah was one who greatly transgressed. This is contradictory to the treatment meted by IS on its opponents. Cruel treatments await those who do not heed IS “advice.” This is, of course, done to spread terror within the society.

Part 1: Interview with Febri Ramdani

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Introduction

Hello everyone, my name is Febri and I am of mixed heritage, Madura and Minangkabau. My father was formerly employed in a State-owned Enterprise (SOE, BUMN), more specifically a government-owned bank in Jakarta prior to his retirement in 2016/2017. My mother had worked for almost 20 years in a government ministry before her resignation / early retirement due to several reasons. One of which is the rampant occurrences of corruption, collusion, and nepotism (KKN) in her office.

Through the years, my parent’s marriage became rocky, eventually culminating in their separation in 2005. Upon their separation, my elder sister and I not only chose to live with our mother but also decided to cut ties with our father.

Mental Pressure from Home-schooling

Amidst this personal turmoil begins my journey to the Middle East. Upon graduating from high school (SMP), my mother advised me to an alternative, less popular route for pre-tertiary education (SMA), namely home-schooling. This was because my parents were concerned that I would get involved in delinquencies by associating with peers particularly in Jakarta. Though initially hesitant, I reluctantly agreed to my parent’s appeal.

One of the “privileges” of home-schooling is that I completed my studies in just one year. The focus of each subject was only on what was deemed essential and geared towards preparation for the final examinations. This privilege, however, did not make me happy. Instead, I was depressed. Apart from not being able to appreciate the knowledge obtained in that one year, I was robbed of the three years of socializing with peers if I had enrolled in a school.

Towards the end of our home-schooling was when my sister and I begin studying the holy Qur’an at home. Unfortunately, we were unequipped to adequately understand the Qur’an, making us susceptible to be misguided. Prior to studying the Qur’an, my heart was not at ease. I felt constrained as I was unable to socialize freely, spending most of the day cooped up at home. I began feeling inadequate as a person as I cannot study “normally” like peers of my age. I was also not very religious at that time which adds to my lack of enthusiasm to studying about Islam. This mental pressure lasted for about four years which strained my relationship with my sister.

Loneliness from Family’s Sudden Departure to Syria

2014 was a particularly eventful year for me. First, throughout 2014, my sister and I avoided all communications with each other even though we lived in the same house due to our strained relationship. In that year, my family’s financial standing declined drastically as one of our family businesses collapsed. This collapse was due to a failed project as a business partner was arrested for being involved in corruption. Our family’s situation became more complicated when we learnt that several of our family members were unwell. One of whom was my sister who suffered from a rare disease, namely bone tuberculosis. At that time, the national insurance and social security schemes (BPJS) which would have helped with treatment was still relatively unknown by many including my family.

Coincidentally in 2014, a terrorist organization called the Islamic State (IS) declared that it had established a caliphate in parts of Syria and Iraq. The extensive coverage on this group by international media included the truth, hoaxes and those in-between. My family began taking into IS’ propaganda that divulge the “beautiful” life they could live if they resided in a country that “properly” enforces Islamic law. They bought into IS’ administration of health facilities, work, education, and the peace of life that was like the time of Prophet Muhammad. My family was too taken in by the propaganda that their grave mistake was not looking for other sources of information.

It was akin to those blinded by love; not caring about other’s views. Unfortunately, such blindness is usually temporary, and things fall apart upon their marriage where all the advises others have warned about get exposed. That is also when regret sets in.

In their “love blindness”, my family gathered all their resources and departed for Syria without inviting me, let alone informing me. They were so smitten with IS that they stopped listening to secular media as they deemed them to only spread lies about the group. At that time, my conflict with my family made me to strongly reject their perspective of IS. Despite this, their departure, especially in such a large group, shocked me as I did not think they would actually leave Indonesia.

Their departure led me to leave home and lived alone in a room in a cheap boarding house near Universitas Indonesia. I sold whatever I could find at home to survive for about a year. Surviving that one year took a toll on my health. I lost a lot of weight and became more depressed as I was succumbed by my inner thoughts. As a result, I was often sick.

Yearning to Reunite with Family in Raqqah

Despite the many days of complete emptiness, I did not have any intention to visit my father or his extended family who were still in Indonesia. Instead, I began developing ill feelings towards those who worked or supported the government. It was very clear to me that those caught in the rampant acts of corruption do not get fair and proper punishments. As my father and his family generally worked in government or government-owned organizations, I perceived that their incomes were from ill-gotten gains. I feel that this was the turning point for my indoctrination.

I started referring to IS propaganda online which I believe was an attempt to find solace. I convinced myself that the propaganda was true through advises from my family prior to their departure. These advises that were deeply ingrained in me included the secular media were simply vilifying IS for their own self-interests. In addition to being convinced that I was being “blinded” by secular media, I was also drawn by the many promises by IS, namely: 1) opportunity to continue my education, 2) job prospects, 3) no obligation to participate in armed conflict, and 4) being able to live akin to the times of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH).

As personally experienced, I believe that ideological factors are not the sole determinant that makes an individual want to join a terrorist organization. For myself, I felt that IS propaganda played a small part in my decision to head to Syria.

Eventually in September 2016, I departed for Syria to be with my family. The biggest push for me was that I missed my mother. And before my last meeting with her in Indonesia, I felt that I had not done a lot of things that was asked of me by my mother.

With the help of a relative, my preparations to Syria went smoothly including passport and document applications. So was the direct flight from Jakarta to Istanbul, Turkey.

At Istanbul began my long journey to Syria. I was first detained for a month by another extremist group, Jabhat al-Nusra. I next had to wait for a further five months to receive information about Idlib and Hama. Eventually, I was reconnected with my mother and several of my family members and relatives in Raqqah.

I spent the five months in Idlib and Hama under increasingly chaotic circumstances. Bombings and missile strikes grew increasingly frequent. I remained relatively safe until one day in December 2016 when a missile came within a kilometre of my residence in Idlib. I remembered the strong vibrations that I felt from the impact. The smoke, fire and destruction accompanied the ensuing panic. We were eventually helped by personnel of the White Helmets (Syria Civil Defence).

Part 2: Interview with Febri Ramdani

Introduction

Despite the “war on terror” since 2001, there is now a commonly accepted rhetoric that “terrorism is not going away.”[1] To confound this new security norm, states not only have to respond to threats within their borders but also must respond to their citizens leaving to join terrorist groups overseas. New security concerns include how states are to respond to their citizens deported en route to their destination or those returning home after successfully linking up with terrorist groups overseas. These concerns will become more severe as tighter border control is implemented to prevent individuals from illegally linking up with terrorist groups and as terrorist groups such as the Islamic State (IS) lose territory, potentially igniting an exodus back to respective home countries.

Indonesia, for example, not only conducts rehabilitative programmes in prisons for their terror inmates but also in shelters that accommodate deportees. The intention is to rehabilitate or change these individuals and facilitate their return to the community. However, the important and frequently debated question is, what kind of change is sufficient?

This question then centres on two types of approaches that are frequently employed: deradicalization and disengagement. Disengagement is often referred to as a behavioural change which does not require individuals to change their worldview. These behaviours include leaving a group, changing one’s role within the group and renouncing violence. Whereas deradicalization is referred to as a cognitive shift. This would mean a complete fundamental change in mindset, sympathies, and attitudes.

The premise of deradicalization programmes is to encourage and facilitate individuals involved in terrorism to change their worldview. Through this change and the subsequent need to avoid cognitive dissonance, these individuals would adopt behaviours such as those described above. Due to the behavioural changes stemming from the individuals’ newfound believes, the effects of this approach are seen as longer lasting than that from disengagement. This explains why states are focused on deradicalization rather than disengagement. Unfortunately, deradicalization is difficult to achieve as demonstrated in this preliminary study of 17 former terror inmates in Indonesia. This study then sought to obtain insights on how the former inmates explained their imprisonment for terrorism to their children. This was to understand the risk of these children being exposed to violent ideologies from their recently released parents, generally seen as a credible source of information.

This paper discusses the issues of both deradicalization and disengagement, the methods employed by the former inmates to explain their imprisonment for terrorism to their children, and a potential approach to ensure these children steer away from terrorism. This paper, thus, intends to contribute to changing the “terrorism is not going away” rhetoric.

Method

In this study, 17 male former terror inmates ranging from 26 to 46 years old were interviewed. The selection criteria for these interviewees were that they were released from prison for a terrorism offence in the last five years since 2018 and that they were residing in the Greater Jakarta region, also known as Jabodetabek. This included Jakarta, Bogor, Depok, Tangerang, and Bekasi. Questionnaires were administered during the interviews. Interviewees were identified and referred to via snowballing technique.

A limitation of this study is that it only provides a snapshot of what the interviewees’ lives to the point of the interview. It cannot be used to predict future actions taken by these interviewees. Additionally, this study requires further expansion to be representative of Jabodetabek and Indonesia.

Deradicalization vs Disengagement

Academics such as Andrew Silke posits that deradicalization “is exceedingly difficult” and “that disengagement is a more realistic outcome.”[2] He argues that deradicalization programmes that are mainly based on changing individuals’ ideology would have limited success as there are numerous other more important factors that explain why individuals engage in terrorism.[3] Additionally, such programmes face added issues such as whether their religious content are perceived to be credible by the participants. He also cited studies that have indicated that the risk or re-offending by terror inmates are generally low to begin with.[4] This explains his belief that many will leave terrorist groups even “if they never experience a deradicalization program.”[5]

In this study, 14 interviewees stated that they participated in deradicalization programmes while in prison. These programmes were conducted not only by the state but also non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The remaining interviewees did not participate as two claimed that they were not offered such programmes during their stint and the other did not want to disappoint an influential terrorist leader. For those who participated, their reasons for participation included truly wanting to change, wanting to satisfy a condition for early release, to obtain financial incentives, to pass the time, and wanting to find out what these programmes were about. Apart from these programmes, 11 interviewees cited interactions with other terror inmates as another reason for them renouncing violence. Though these inmates played a role in changing the behaviour of the interviewees, they were members of a terrorist group. Thus, it was unlikely that they would inspire a complete change in mindset, sympathies, and attitudes. Therefore, it is highly likely that the interviewees were disengaged rather than deradicalized.

Another issue of deradicalization is how to assess if an individual can be deemed as deradicalized. In this study, all the interviewees stated that they were motivated to partake in terrorism as they believed Muslims around the world were persecuted. They continue to believe of this persecution post-release in light of developments such as in Myanmar and Palestine. Among the interviewees, eight cited that they only needed the Indonesian government’s permission for them to take up arms again.[6] This reluctance to participate stems from the fear of repercussions by the authorities. One even stated that though he was still seeking martyrdom, he did not want to get involved in these conflicts for fear of getting apprehended en route to his destination. Also, all of them preferred and supported the implementation of Syariah laws in Indonesia while eight still distrusts the Indonesian government or their agencies.[7] Therefore, it can be argued that while all the interviewees are disengaged, several have simply transited to being non-violent extremists who temporarily renounced violence.

The study next focused on gaining insights on the possibility of the interviewees’ children being exposed to violent ideologies through these disengaged individuals. This was conducted by uncovering the methods employed by the interviewees to explain their imprisonment for terrorism to their children. As demonstrated in previous recent terrorism cases, parents play a vital role in their children’s involvement in terrorism.[8] The next section begins by first discussing how policymakers should view youths; namely either “vulnerable” or “susceptible.”

Youths: Vulnerable or Susceptible?

The two terms that have been commonly used to describe potential recruits of terrorism particularly youths are “vulnerable” and “susceptible”. Taking reference from the terms’ usage in biological studies, the term “susceptible” is argued to be a more adequate description. In these studies, “vulnerable” is used to describe an organism that is intact but fragile while “susceptible” describes being injured and predisposed to compound additional harm.[9] By labelling youths as vulnerable, policymakers may run the risk of glossing over core issues youths would have by viewing them as intact but fragile or easily influenced.

It is essential to note that radicalization brings meaning to individuals in their daily lives. In other words, how can an individual be viewed as intact when there seems to be a void which unfortunately could be filled by radical ideology? By labelling them as “susceptible”, policymakers would acknowledge the myriad of issues affecting youths. For example, the continued perception from their parents that they are victims of discrimination and violence is a means to end it. Another example is the trauma experienced by children as they witness the arrest of their parents. In this study, several interviewees cited that their children behaved differently after witnessing their arrest. This included in being more withdrawn and introverted, and expressing resentment to authorities.

Due to the presence of diverse motivations, it would suggest that a large population is susceptible to terrorism. However, how does one reconcile the fact that terrorism is perpetuated only by a small population? One explanation is the presence of a mechanism to resist terrorism. This mechanism centres on, among others, family obligations, logistical costs, financing and fear.[10] There have been reported cases in which individuals resisted participating in terrorism due to the importance they place on family obligations.[11] The concern stems from their worry about the fate of their family should they pursue violence and the perception of their family members of their actions. Currently, numerous mothers who have lost their children to terrorist groups are sharing their experiences to the public.[12] This is done with the intent of providing other parents with a better understanding on how they can prevent their children from getting involved in terrorism.

Logistical and financial costs could act as a barrier, particularly if there is a need to travel beyond their immediate residences.[13] Unfortunately, can be circumvented when terrorist groups such as IS reportedly provides monthly wages and accommodations for its recruits while living in their territory. Fear primarily refers to the fear of security forces.[14] This entails the fear of facing legal repercussions and in some cases fear of torture.[15]

By looking through the lens of “susceptible”, policymakers would see three factors to address; 1) the susceptible individual, 2) leveraging on sources of influence that are deemed to be credible by the susceptible group to counter such ideologies; and 3) countering sources of radical ideologies. Studies have shown that credibility is essential for the message to “stick” to the target audience.[16] Credibility also influences the persuasiveness of a message, determined by how the audience perceive the expertise and trustworthiness of the source.[17] Judgements of expertise and trustworthiness do not necessarily relate to the technical knowledge of the source (e.g. a person’s religious or scientific authority), but can be derived from the source’s life history. This is why personal videos by martyrs and efforts to preserve their memory is such an important tool used by extremists to legitimize their cause among the mass audiences.[18] This is also particularly important for children whose parents were involved in terrorism. This is because parents are generally deemed as credible sources of information by their children.

For families where only one of their parents was involved in terrorism, the other parent can play a vital role in steering their children away from terrorism. Leveraging on these parents can also address the three factors as described above. This role is particularly powerful as children will have first-hand experiences of the difficulties in raising the family as a single parent. This hardship and emotional pull can then be leveraged to prevent a repeat in their family. However, what may be required would be provide these parents with the necessary understanding and tools to further increase its effectiveness. This is discussed further in the following sections.

Three Methods Employed to Explain Imprisonment

In this study, it was discovered that interviewees employed three different methods to explain their imprisonment to their children. As outlined in Table 1, they were namely: 1) leaving it to their spouses (i.e. wives) to explain; 2) not explaining to their children; and 3) explaining in a manner sympathetic to radical ideology. These methods are listed from the least detrimental to the most detrimental.

Though the wives of the two interviewees could not be interviewed, insights on how they explained to the children can be obtained from the interviewees. It is highly likely that their wives would explain their fathers’ imprisonment in a manner that would prevent their children from getting involved in terrorism. This was evident from how the wives were concerned with their husbands’ whereabouts after their release from prison. This concern likely stem from not wanting to repeat the traumatic experiences they encountered during their husbands’ imprisonment. During this period, the wives experienced a sudden increase in their familial responsibilities. In addition to raising the children single-handedly, they also had to financially support the family including their husbands, and to schedule family visits to prisons. One of the two interviewees also recounted that his wife had to deliver their third child on her own as he was not granted permission to visit her.

Most of the interviewees stated that they did not explain to their children as they did not see a need to. These 11 also stated that they simply wanted to move on with the lives. However, the issue with this method is that they are simply leaving their children to face any stigma due to their involvement in terrorism.[19] Additionally, with technology, it is difficult for them to hide their past. Unfortunately, for one interviewee, this was how his son’s classmates found out about his imprisonment. That subsequently led to the bullying of his son including hurling insults such as being a “terrorist’s son.” Due to this bullying, the interviewee resorted to leveraging on his old network to move his son to an Islamic boarding school, pesantren.

The final method employed is the most detrimental as it involved explaining the interviewees’ imprisonment in a manner that is sympathetic to radical ideology. For one interviewee, he shared that he explained to his child that “those making bombs for the umat are not criminals.” He then shared that he was doubtful to give consent to his child joining the police or military. This was because he feared his child might be “ordered to kill other Muslims” and thus making the child “an enemy of Islam.” He added that, instead, he hoped that he joined movements perceived to be fighting in the name of Islam. He stated, “God willing, he [his son] becomes a commandant for Jihadis.” The remaining three interviewees had similar explanations. They shared to their children that their actions were for a religious cause and to defend Muslims who were being persecuted.

This, thus, poses a serious concern. In addition to these families including their children having to face stigma from their communities, the explanations given by their father would cement the notion that Muslims were being discriminated against despite living in a Muslim-majority country. This does not necessarily confirm that these children will get involved in terrorism in the future. However, they may be predisposed to other issues such as intolerance.

Women as Safeguards against Radicalization

Leveraging on family members as safeguards against radicalization is ideal. This is because of their close relationship, considered as credible sources of information and most importantly, they can provide consistent, long-term support and guidance. Therefore, one proposed approach to ensure that the children of terror inmates do not themselves get involved in terrorism is through the wives of these inmates.

The concept of this approach is to reach out to the wives of inmates, including those convicted for terrorism and for general crimes, during their husbands’ imprisonment. By bringing women of diverse backgrounds together, it would also enable them to mutually provide emotional support while promoting acceptance of diversity within these women. The main premise of these gathering would be to provide these women skills and a sustainable source of income. Obtaining a constant source of income is a major concern of convicted individuals such as in this study. The type of skills provided would focus on skills that could be conducted at home such as making tradecrafts. This would therefore enable easier management of their household duties. Additionally, they would be provided training on conducting e-commerce and leveraging on social media platforms to widen their marketing outreach.

Simultaneously, these women would be provided parenting classes that would assist them to build closer bonds with their children particularly after a traumatic experience such as their husband’s arrest. This would include potential ways of explaining their husband’s imprisonment to their children. It also aims to provide these women problem-solving skills for any issues that their children may face. Lastly, it aims to provide these women with the knowledge of readily available avenues that they can contact when in need. Through this approach, attention would be focused on susceptible youths, credible sources of influence are leveraged, and is a means to countering potential sources of radical ideologies.

[1] Examples of this rhetoric include those by the 911 commission (https://edition.cnn.com/2014/07/23/politics/9-11-report-decade/index.html) and by former Director of the National Counterterrorism Center in the US (http://www.law.nyu.edu/news/center-law-security-resilience-monaco-rasmussen)

[2] Silke A, (2011), “Disengagement or Deradicalization: A Look at Prison Programs for Jailed Terrorists”, CTC Sentinel, 4:1, 18-21

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] When asked why they did not require financial support from the government to participate in such conflicts, they stated that they could obtain funds from their community through donations.

[7] Of the remaining interviewees, five stated that they trusted the Indonesian government and their agencies while four expressed mixed feelings.

[8] Examples include the death of a 12-year-old Indonesian boy, whose father was a convicted terrorist, fighting in Syria with the Islamic state in 2016 (https://www.reuters.com/article/us-indonesia-militants-school-insight/indonesian-school-a-launchpad-for-child-fighters-in-syrias-islamic-state-idUSKCN1BI0A7) and the family involved in three suicide bombings in Surabaya in 2018 (https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/may/19/indonesia-blasts-surabaya-family-from-good-neighbours-suicide-bombers).

[9] Kottow MH (2003), “The Vulnerable and the Susceptible, Bioethics, 5:6, 460-471

[10] Cragin RK (2014), “Resisting Violent Extremism: A Conceptual Model for Non-Radicalization”, Terrorism and Political Violence, 26, 337-353

[11] Ibid

[12] Examples can be found on: 1) https://highline.huffingtonpost.com/articles/en/mothers-of-isis/; 2) https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/resources/idt-acfd761e-0dff-46f7-87a4-96cec7824254; 3) https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/jul/31/dont-call-police-stop-men-joining-isis-call-mothers

[13] Cragin RK (2014), “Resisting Violent Extremism: A Conceptual Model for Non-Radicalization”

[14] Ibid

[15] Ibid

[16] Cherney A (2016), “Designing and Implementing Programmes to Tackle Radicalization and Violent Extremism: Lessons from Criminology”, Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict, 9:1-3, 82-94

[17] Ibid

[18] Ibid

[19] All 17 interviewees stated that they and their families’ have faced stigma from their communities since their arrest for terrorism.