Introduction
On paper, it should be relatively easy for the Labor Party to succeed in every general election in Indonesia.
Indonesia boasts one of the largest number of workers in the world, amounting to 147 million people based on the latest data by Central Statistics Agency (BPS).
However, contrary to expectations, the electability score of the Labor Party in August 2023 barely reached 1%. This figure casts doubt in the Party’s potential to win seats in the upcoming election, whereby the parliamentary threshold stands at 4% of total vote.
The Labor Party had never once passed the parliamentary threshold in the 1999, 2004 and 2009 General Elections. It was first established in 1998 under the name of the “National Labor Party” (Partai Buruh Nasional – PBN), which then changed to the “Social Democratic Labor Party” (Partai Buruh Sosial Demokrat – PBSD). It was rebranded as the “Labor Party” in 2022.
The 2024 General Elections will be a big stake for the party. Whether they will continue the trend of missing out from the House of Representatives (DPR), emerging as a dark horse, or simply cheering from the sideline (tim gembira), their win or loss will carry certain implications to Indonesia’s future political map.
A Distinct Platform
The Labor Party itself re-emerged lately with the support from majority of labor unions in Indonesia that desire change and improved welfare for workers. The visions and initiatives offered by the Labor Party are distinct from other political parties, some of which should be taken into consideration.
Firstly, the Labor Party’s programs are pro-working class regardless of gender, while also championing the empowerment of people with special needs. Improving social security, ensuring adequate wages for workers and maintaining job security (especially regarding contract status) are also among the top concerns of the Party, chaired by Said Iqbal. These demonstrate the party’s deep commitment for the welfare of Indonesian workers and the pursuit of a welfare state.
Secondly, the Labor Party is unwilling to support any candidates of the presidential elections due to the perception that none of them appreciates the values and contribution of workers.
The Party, for example, has had frictions with a notable figure in Anies Baswedan’s national campaign team (tim sukses), Sudirman Said. The Labor Party also does not support Prabowo Subianto due to his support for the questionable Omnbibus Law for Job Creation. He has previously stated that that 80% of the Labor Party’s interests have been accommodated by the regulation. Lastly, though it was once rumored that the Labor Party would back Ganjar Pranowo for his presidential bid, in the end it never materialized.
The Party seems to focus its attention, resource and energy to win seats at DPR, focusing its messaging on supporting the working class and the grassroots. By withholding support for any presidential candidate, the Party might be sending a signal that it rejects the rent-seeking behavior that often signifies the relationship between the executive and legislative bodies in the country.
To further demonstrate its intention, in mid-2023 the Labor Party filed a judicial review on the presidential threshold with the expectation of being able to nominate a candidate aligned with their vision, mission and ideology. Unfortunately, however, as with previous judicial reviews filed on the same subject, the petition was rejected by the Constitutional Court.
Thirdly, legislative candidates from the Labor Party come from various backgrounds, suggesting its inclusive nature. They are labor union activists, farmers, fishermen, contract teachers, lecturers, migrant workers, domestic workers, scholars and others. Some of the legislative candidates from the Labor Party also belong to the Millennial and Gen Z groups, which account for 56% of the total number of voters.
The Labor Party seems motivated to make a difference in this regard, as many of the legislative candidates for the 2024 General Election are affiliated with corporations, which raises the potential question of conflict of interest. Breaking the chains of oligarchy is mandatory if Indonesia were to really become a democratic country. In principle, the Labor Party itself is antithetical to the concept oligarchy. Thus, the performance of any elected Labor Party candidate would be something to observe in the future.
Fourthly, the Party has offered several populist programs such as the constituent recall. Under such system, the Party will review and reassess the performance of elected members while also enabling it to replace non-performing members. The system has been implemented in several countries such as the United States, Venezuela, Bolivia and Taiwan where it is better known as “recall referendum”. Based on these points, it could be argued that the Labor Party brings a fresh perspective for Indonesia’s democracy that have been overlooked by other parties. This ranges from providing greater access for Indonesians of various backgrounds to contest in the election (as opposed to just offering a platform for business owners and middle-upper class) to ensuring check and balance through constituent recall.
Can It Qualify?
With the election only a few days away, does the Labor Party have the potential to qualify for the parliamentary threshold?
Graphic 1 portrays the Labor Party’s engagement trend on X from the month of October 2023 to January 2024. There seems to be some positive trend for the account’s engagement, especially those who “Favorite” its contents, suggesting that netizens are starting to take notice of the party.
Netizens engagement on social media may not translate into votes, but it could be a valuable tool to increase its profile and promote its programs.
An internal survey in late 2023 predicted that the Labor Party would receive 4.8% of the national vote in the 2024 election, thus qualifying for seats at Senayan. Most recently, the exit poll in Melbourne, Australia also showed a positive trend whereby the Labor Party placed fourth behind bigger parties such as PDI-P, PSI and PKS (the data has since been deleted from the website but its image has circulated on X).
These positive trends should not become a factor for complacency for the Party, especially since several reputable polling agencies predicted that its share of vote would not even reach 1% of total votes.
Conclusion
The parliamentary threshold is indeed an obstacle to democracy in Indonesia and an especially source of headache for smaller parties such as the Labor Party. However, despite all of its limitations, they have provided a breath of fresh air for democracy in Indonesia with their passion in educating the public on the right for every worker to obtain equality and welfare as well as their attempt to represent the wong cilik.
